Sudan – As the International Criminal Court (ICC) marks two decades since its investigation into Darfur’s horrors began, the court is now racing to document a new wave of atrocities in 2025 that echo the genocide of 2003. The Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary heirs to the Janjaweed militias, seized the last Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) stronghold in El Fasher on October 26, 2025, unleashing mass killings, rapes, and displacement that have drawn urgent ICC scrutiny. Over 70,000 civilians have fled the city, with survivors recounting streets littered with bodies and targeted executions of non-Arab men. While the ICC secured its first conviction in the Darfur case just weeks ago, allegations of foreign complicity—particularly from the United Arab Emirates (UAE)—threaten to expand the probe beyond Sudan’s borders.

The Darfur conflict, ignited in 2003 by rebel uprisings against marginalization, has killed hundreds of thousands and displaced millions. The UN Security Council’s 2005 referral empowered the ICC to pursue genocide, war crimes, and crimes against humanity. Omar al-Bashir, the former president indicted in 2009 and 2010, remains at large in military custody, alongside other fugitives like Ahmad Harun and Abdel Raheem Hussein. In a landmark October 6, 2025, ruling, the ICC convicted Ali Muhammad Ali Abd-Al-Rahman (Ali Kushayb), a Janjaweed leader, on 27 counts for orchestrating rapes, murders, and village razings in 2003–2004. This first Darfur conviction, hailed by victims as a “victory for justice,” underscores the court’s resolve but highlights its slow pace—only one trial after 20 years.

2025’s Reignited Nightmare: El Fasher’s Fall and RSF Rampage

The RSF-SAF war, erupting in April 2023, has engulfed Sudan in chaos, killing over 150,000 and displacing 13 million. In Darfur, the RSF—under General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti)—has consolidated control, besieging El Fasher for over 500 days before its bloody capture. ICC prosecutors, led temporarily by Deputy Nazhat Shameem Khan amid Karim Khan’s leave, declared on November 3, 2025, that the assaults “may constitute war crimes and crimes against humanity,” part of a “broader pattern” since 2023. Evidence collection is underway at Chad refugee camps, focusing on mass graves, sexual violence, and ethnic targeting of Masalit, Fur, and Zaghawa groups.

Earlier in 2025, Khan’s January Security Council briefing warned of reasonable grounds for genocide by both sides, urging arrests. July updates from Khan affirmed ongoing crimes, based on digital and testimonial proof. Human Rights Watch marked the referral’s 20th anniversary in March, decrying impunity’s role in perpetuating violence and calling for broader ICC jurisdiction. The US, under President Trump, imposed sanctions on ICC officials in February, complicating probes.

UAE’s Alleged Lifeline to the RSF: From Denial to Diplomatic Reckoning

No foreign state has been formally charged, but the UAE faces mounting accusations of aiding the RSF’s 2025 offensive. UN reports and US intelligence from October 2025 detail UAE-supplied Chinese Rainbow drones, howitzers, and guided bombs used in El Fasher and Zamzam camp attacks. Sudanese officials, including Ambassador Imadeldin Adawi, branded the UAE a “genocide financier” on November 3, vowing to boycott UAE-involved peace talks. In March 2025, Sudan filed an ICJ case alleging UAE complicity in genocide.

The UAE denies involvement, but evidence persists: 248 UAE-chartered flights from November 2024 to February 2025 smuggled arms via Chad and Uganda; Emirati passports in RSF plane wreckage; and UAE bases in Nyala and Al-Malha for logistics. Amnesty International traced Bulgarian mortar rounds and French Galix systems—exported to the UAE—to RSF sites in April and November 2025. Even UK-made Cummins engines in UAE Nimr vehicles appeared in RSF hands, per UN dossiers.

Abu Dhabi’s motives blend economics and geopolitics: securing Sudan’s gold trade (RSF controls key mines), Red Sea ports, and farmland, while countering rivals like Saudi Arabia and Egypt. Hemedti’s $7 billion empire, headquartered in Dubai, cements ties. Facing backlash, UAE envoy Anwar Gargash admitted in November 2025 to missteps in backing the 2021 coup, signaling a potential pivot amid reputational damage.

Under the Rome Statute, aiding such crimes could implicate UAE officials as accomplices, as in past ICC cases like Lubanga. Calls grow for UN embargo enforcement and UAE sanctions.

Justice’s Thorny Path Amid Geopolitical Storms

Sudan’s non-party status to the Rome Statute hampers enforcement, relying on Security Council referrals and state cooperation. Political headwinds, including US sanctions and veto powers shielding allies, stall progress. Yet Khan’s January 2025 vow—“promises made must be kept”—resonates, with arrest warrant requests imminent for 2023 crimes.

For Darfur’s survivors, 2025’s horrors—famine, 36,000 new displacees from El Fasher—compound decades of trauma. The ICC’s net may soon ensnare enablers abroad, but only if global powers prioritize accountability over alliances. As the Red Cross warns, “history is repeating itself” in Darfur—unless the world intervenes decisively. Justice delayed is justice denied; for Sudan, the clock ticks amid the graves.